The Movement for Justice - Who we are and what
kind of movement we need.
The Movement for Justice has recognised the urgent need for an anti-racist movement that is prepared to struggle for justice for all. Why do we need a Movement for Justice, why should you join and help build a movement now? We must begin by saying something about the history of the Movement for Justice and how it came about.
History of the Movement for Justice
The Movement for Justice was set up in 1995 by a number of
anti-racist activists, particularly those then involved in leading
Kingsway College Student Union. The Student Union had become the most
active and militant in Britain. It was organised in a Further
Education college in the London Borough of Camden with a high
concentration of black, Asian and asylum, seeker students. We had
been involved in numerous campaigns against racism.
Many youth first became involved following the racist murder of
Stephen Lawrence, an 18 year old black youth brutally killed by
racists in South East London in 1991. We organised large contingents
on demonstrations to close down the Nazi British National Party (BNP)
headquarters in the area. We helped the YRE (Youth against Racism in
Europe) and build an anti-racist campaign through this. Later the
same year, in a campaign with the YRE and local community, we drove
the BNP off Brick Lane, in the heart of the Bengali community in East
London, where they had provocatively held a paper sale every Sunday
for years.
In 1993 a popular student at Kingsway college, Shah Alam, was
nearly killed in a vicious racist attack in Poplar, East London. He
was set upon in broad daylight by a gang of white youths using
knives, baseball bats and a hammer. He was left for dead in the
streets and only recovered after hours of emergency surgery. The
attack on Shah created anger and determination to fight amongst
students in Kingsway College and Tower Hamlets. We organised the
Justice for Shah Alam Campaign which later organised a march of 500
mainly Bengali youth through Tower Hamlets, public meetings, press
conferences and court pickets. We attempted to get the racists who
attacked Shah convicted and jailed.
During this campaign we found out that four Bengali school
students were facing prison sentences after their headteacher had
handed over their names and addresses to local police and alleged
they had beaten up a local white racist. No evidence existed against
the four except the word of the headteacher who was widely regarded
as a racist in the Asian community. We organised the Langdon Park 4
Defence Campaign which got the charges against the four thrown out.
In the face of libel action to prevent us distributing leaflets,
police intimidation, BNP, racist threats and violence against those
who took a stand against the headteacher and an attempt to sack one
of our members, a teacher at the school, we were the only anti-racist
group to stick our neck out and demand justice. Other groups demanded
we moderate our campaign so as not to alienate local racists, they
said we were wrong to demand the headteacher be sacked, but we spoke
the truth and fought for the local Asian community whatever the
consequences. A strong campaign built up, organised and led by the
community, involving school student strikes and demonstrations which
got the four cleared, saved the teachers job and made the head much
more scared to behave in the same way again. Most of all it gave
confidence to an Asian community living in an area with the highest
level of racist attacks in Britain. Top
When the British National Party said they would stand candidates
in Shadwell, an overwhelmingly Asian district of Tower Hamlets, we
organised Shadwell Community Defence with local youth. The group was
led by local Bengali youth who visited hundreds of flats preparing
support for action to drive the BNP off the streets. A high level of
organisation and persuasion of local residents made it impossible for
the BNP to do election work in the area. On the last Saturday before
the election, when the BNP planned to turn up in force in Shadwell,
local Asian youth and Shadwell Community Defence controlled the
streets. The BNP didn't dare step foot in Shadwell and the police
were too scared to attack the youth, who had the community behind
them. Top
The brutal death of Brain Douglas at the hands of the police led
to angry demonstrations across South London. Brian Douglas died after
being hit across the head by the police with the side-handled batons.
We helped get Lambeth Unison (public service workers union) and
Kingsway College Student Union to make the campaign a national one.
We organised a local worker/community tribunal where local people put
the police on trial, and after hearing evidence from witnesses, found
the police guilty of murder, declared its results publicly and
demanded justice be done. Top
Meanwhile our campaign for Shah Alam led to a new prosecution of
those accused of attempting his murder. This was one of the first
times the Crown Prosecution Service agreed to prosecute the same
people again after the judge had thrown the case out. It was a direct
result of our public campaign. However, despite strong evidence the
judge, for a second time, would not allow the case to go to full
trial. The accused walked free, without having to answer a single
question. Outside the court in East London one of them attacked
Shah's brother under the nose of the police who claimed they were
powerless to act!
The shocking denial of justice for Shah Alam mirrored the
outrageous failure of the state to punish the racist killers of
Stephen Lawrence in South East London. The police and courts showed
they didn't care about the lives of black or Asian people. Weeks
before, police officers who admitted suffocating Joy Gardner, a black
mother in North London, walked free from court and returned to their
jobs. Brain Douglas, Shiji Lapete, Joy Gardner, Ibrahima Sey and
Wayne Douglas all died at the hands of the police and not one single
officer served one single day of prison. None of these innocent black
people were armed and their killings were totally unnecessary. No
officer was dismissed.
The most shocking thing was that the police and courts were
allowed to get away with murder because their was no mass movement of
ordinary people making it impossible for such abuse of justice to
take place. A murder would take place, their would be a campaign for
justice for the victim, in the end it would get caught up in long
usually futile legal cases and meanwhile another murder had taken
place. Nothing was being done to join up all the campaigns, fight
against all manifestations of racism and injustice, and build a
movement that could win. In the summer of 1995, following a spate of
these injustices, we decided we must launch a movement that could do
this. We knew too well that everything appeared against us, our size,
our lack of resources, people's demoralisation and despair; yet we
knew we couldn't wait any longer, however difficult and small at
first we had to act to make a change. The idea of the Movement for
Justice was born. And it was to be based on the same bold traditions
of fighting racism expressed in the Kingsway College Student Union,
the Justice for Shah Alam Campaign, Langdon Park Defence Campaign,
and Shadwell Community Defence. Top
Immediately we turned our attentions to the attack on refugees and
asylum seekers. Rumours of government proposals surfaced through the
summer. The government were looking at bringing in legislation to
make workers act as immigration police, informing the Home Office of
so-called illegal immigrants. Asylum seekers would find it harder to
stay in Britain, and many could be denied basic services such as
health care, housing, education and welfare benefits. Deportations
would increase as would the powers of police in harassing suspected
illegal immigrants - Joy Gardener died of suffocation when
immigration police used 'normal procedures' in an attempt to deport
her to Jamaica.
No anti-racist or left organisation had even commented on these
proposals which we saw as the most important political development in
Britain. Firstly, the proposals represented an attack, not jut on
those fleeing from tyrannical and oppressive regimes, but on the
black community as a whole. People with foreign surnames or black
skins would be less likely to get jobs if employers were scared of
being caught employing "illegal immigrants", more black and Asian
people would be stopped in the street by police, or snooped at by
headteachers or benefit clerks. In highlighting immigration as the
problem facing public services, and proposing to withdraw basic
services from asylum seekers, the government was encouraging racism
in the same way groups like the BNP do when they say, "3 million
unemployed - 3 million immigrants", or claiming that the housing
shortage is cause by black and Asian people "taking all the council
houses". Secondly, by trying to get public service workers involved
in snooping and grassing on asylum seekers the government would be
dividing the working class, turning one section of it against
another. Workers would be told to act like racist immigration police
or loose their jobs. The proposals were an attack on the whole
working class. Finally, because of this it was possible to smash the
proposals by working class action. Trade unions, students, working
class communities and the black communities, particularly asylum
seekers would have to lead the fight against racism to defeat the
proposals. It was in the interests of all these groups to unite and
they had the ability to win if they did so.
The idea of mass non-co-operation with the Asylum Bill was the
best way to defeat the proposals. We argued that if ordinary people
refused to implement the proposals, in the same way as they refused
to pay the poll tax, the proposal would be defeated. In September,
1995 the Movement for Justice published a pamphlet "Howard's Racist
Immigration and Asylum Bill - What it is and how to fight it". This
was the first detailed account of the proposals available, along with
being a vital source of information for anti-racists, the 16 page
pamphlet outlined why and how non-co-operation could beat the Asylum
Bill. The pamphlets sold out at the TUC march against racism in
Manchester, and dozens of trade unions adopted our standard
resolution committing them not to co-operate with the legislation.
Before the Conservative's had even announced their bill, we were
beginning to build a mass campaign capable of defeating it and, if
successful, developing into the type of mass anti-racist movement
necessary. We led an angry section of the Trades Union Congress (TUC)
march against racism in Manchester demanding that Labour and the
Trade Union leaders get off their knees and take action against the
government's racist proposals. We led the heckling of then shadow
home secretary Jack Straw who has styled himself on Michael Howard,
desperate to appear pro-police and 'tough' on law and order. Trade
Union stewards attacked us and smashed our megaphone whilst the
'official anti-racists', the National Assembly Against Racism (NAAR)
tried to ban us from attending their conference because we had upset
their friends who run the Labour party and the unions (NAAR were
forced to let us in when well over half their conference demanded
they stop their ban). The angry launch of the Movement for Justice
reflected the growing discontent with a desperate, discredited
government whipping up racism as a last attempt to hold onto power.
But the controversy was nothing compared to what was to come.....
Top
The paint attack on Brain Mawhinney MP
On November 15, 1995, the Movement for Justice campaign against
the Asylum Bill entered into every household in the country. The
paint attack on despised Tory Party Chairman and Cabinet member,
Brian Mawhinney MP made instant headlines. The protest took place
right outside Parliament during the most important political and
security event of its year - the state opening and Queen's
speech.
For the first time the governments proposals on Asylum were made
public. Mawhinney had been on BBC Breakfast TV that morning to
promote the new racist Asylum Bill. His deliberate use of emotive and
misrepresentative language about 'British people fearing immigrants
flooding the country' were a direct incitement to racial hatred. Even
the former Head of Conservative Party Communications acknowledged
that it was standard practice for the party to 'play the race card' -
whip up fear of immigration - before an election.
At 1pm the same day, as Mawhinney strolled across Parliament Green
to give a series of interviews to the assembled national and
international media he was hit by a shower of bright orange paint and
flour bombs. His suit drenched in orange paint, his face white with
horror, he scuttled off into the BBC mobile studios 'for protection'.
Movement for Justice supporters, responsible for the attack, unfurled
banners, chanted and gave interviews about the new racist bill and
how mass non-co-operation was the way to defeat it. It was half an
hour before the police finally arrived - on this high security day! -
to rudely interrupt our ad hoc press conference.
Making headlines on News at Ten, BBC and all the papers, the
Movement for Justice had succeeded in highlighting the proposed
racist law to everyone. The Sun warned of a 'Poll Tax style campaign
of mass non-co-operation to defeat the law'.
Every militant refugee, student and anti-racist identified with
us. One month later we jointly led an unprecedented illegal
demonstration of nearly 1000 angry refugees outside Parliament
protesting at the bill. The nervous riot police present felt
constrained not to arrest a single person. We became the focus for
the sort of anti-racist movement we had always said was needed.
Court action, expulsions and repression
It was inevitable that we would come under a torrent of repression
by the authorities. Witch-hunts were launched in the tabloid (and not
so tabloid) press, our supporters were dragged through the courts,
expelled form college and university and had their jobs threatened.
The state calculated that by throwing all they had at us whilst we
were still small and just beginning they could stop us developing
into a movement that really threatened their authority.
Naturally, the repression created difficulties for our movement
and contributed to the decrease in our activity later on. But as a
whole the Movement for Justice was able to turn the situation around
to our favour, and to use the attacks on us to strengthen our
campaign. We used the trial of the paint attackers to put the
government on trial. We put Mawhinney and other Tories in the dock
and questioned them about their false statements, we called refugees
as witnesses to give evidence as to the effect on their lives of the
government proposals. And despite having the leaders of the Movement
in Kingsway College expelled and banned from ever entering again by
injunction, and having the Student Union effectively shut down by the
management, we have re-built a strong Movement for Justice group in
the college with its leader elected as President of the Student
Union. Top
Labour allows Asylum Bill through
The Labour opposition in Parliament allowed the bill to go through
Parliament. They didn't want to be seen opposing the bill; they were
scared the Tories would accuse them of being 'soft' on immigration in
the run up to an election. So, like true hypocrites, they quietly
said they were opposed to the bill then made sure they didn't turn up
to vote against it, or, when the legislation had some trouble getting
through the House of Lords they helped the Tories out. Before the
election they made vague promises to repeal it, since they have
stayed silent. If Labour had supported a campaign against the bill,
or if others fighting against it had pushed Labour to do more, then
it could have been defeated, or at least talked out so it couldn't be
dealt with before Parliament shut down.
The 'official' Campaign against the Immigration and Asylum Bill
(CIAB) run by NAAR and Labour MPs did everything to stop any pressure
on Labour that might embarrass them. CIAB shut down the struggle
against the bill and allowed Labour of the hook, since then
re-incarnated as NAAR they have tried to stop us and other refugee
groups demanding Labour repeals the bill -they say that's
'unrealistic'! Top
Increased Police Powers
Riding high after getting his racist law on the statute books,
Michael Howard went on to stampede the Police Act (1996) through
Parliament. The Act was one of the most repressive ever, allowing
Police to telephone tap, bug and raid peoples houses or offices with
only a superior's permission, circulating a list of everybody with a
criminal record (whatever it was for) to employers etc. Even the
conservative Daily Telegraph attacked the law as an attack on civil
liberties. So did the right-wing Economist magazine, many
Conservative MPs, judges, bishops, lawyers, doctors, the Liberal
Democrats and former Labour leaders now in the House of Lords. But
this time Jack Straw got Labour to back the bill, to vote for it and
enthusiastically support it in Parliament!
Despite the stark attack on our civil liberties, there was no
attempt to by any organisations to build a campaign involving
ordinary people that might help stop this bill. In the run up to the
general election most political groups wound down their activities
and just waited for a Labour government. But, the Movement for
Justice and the Crossroads Women's Centre did try to initiate a
campaign against the bill. We held a public meeting and invited all
other concerned groups to get involved - nobody else did - we
organised a picket outside of Parliament as they discussed the Act.
The failure of others to do anything about such an important attack
on our civil liberties allowed the government and police to get their
way and the people to loose more freedoms; but it also showed how
important it was for us to build the Movement for Justice, not just
to wait for others. Top
The death of Oscar Okoye who went into a coma after being arrested
by police and subsequently died, provoked a new wave of anger in the
black community in South London at deaths in police custody. The
Movement for Justice built a campaign for justice for Mr. Okoye with
his family and other supporters. We tried to get the inquest to find
a just verdict about the real circumstances of his death, we
countered the police lies and propaganda which attempted to justify
Mr. Okoye's death by attacking his character and we exposed the
police cover-ups in the case. The campaign built up steam and through
patient work the Movement for Justice was relaunched. Those getting
involved wanted us to fight over al incidents of local harassment and
murder, we agreed to have a march through Brixton against police
harassment and murder on November 15.
Our renewed campaign put us, and others from a black church, under
renewed attack from the frightened authorities. This time it was Lee
Jasper, one of the leaders of NAAR and the National Black Caucus who
sits on the Lambeth Police Consultative Committee as a self-appointed
representative of the black community. After hundreds of black people
had gone to the meetings and attacked the police for their cover-ups,
Jasper stepped in to save the police. He arranged new solicitors to
take over the Okoye case, said it was now under his control, and then
insisted the Police Consultative Committee ban any further discussion
or questioning of the police over it. He received lavish praise from
local police chiefs for his kind services. Since then the case has
been so badly handled that the Okoye family were cheated by the
system of any justice for the untimely death of Mr. Okoye at the
hands of the police.
Fighting for Rights
But the campaigning had built a new, vibrant Movement for Justice
prepared to fight police harassment and racism whatever the cost. And
by any means necessary. After the community demanded it, we responded
and produced thousands of bust cards and legal rights information to
help those arrested by police. We found out good lawyers and refereed
those in need to them. We have taken up numerous individual
complaints against the police however minor. We have tried to provide
a service that emboldens those communities in the front-line of
police attack, communities all too often left isolated today.
Top
Malcolm X once said we must fight using any means necessary. For
us that means using all means to further the cause for justice. By
providing legal rights information and pursuing individual cases of
injustice we help to get more people involved and raise
consciousness, but we know this alone is only a tiny bit of the
picture. We must build militant campaigns for justice which link up
all the injustices perpetuated by the state. We must work for
victories in these struggles, whether getting police suspended and
prosecuted for their acts of violence, getting charges dropped
against those framed by police, preventing deportations or stopping
racist sackings and victimisation's. These victories have to be used
to inspire more people with the confidence that we can make a change
by fighting back.
The Movement for Justice has never been afraid of a little
controversy. Those fighting oppression have always been attacked by
the powers that be and their agents. Today, with a Labour government,
more and more people want and expect a change, yet the government is
continuing to attack our rights. Many anti-racists and campaigners
have been bought off or shut up now the government has changed. Not
so with us. We fight for justice whoever is in power.
The march we are organising on November 15 is a beginning not an
end. All too often separate campaigns have developed around
individual cases of injustice, like police brutality or a
deportation, and they have ended waiting for lengthy legal
procedures. People got involved and then drop out, and nothing
changes. The Movement for Justice wants to build a permanent campaign
which fights over every incidence of injustice and racism as it
emerges. We want to link up all campaigns to strengthen them and
fight over the wider picture. We are building Movement for Justice
campaigns in different localities or schools, colleges, and workplace
We have groups either going or starting in Kingsway, Lambeth and
Lewisham Colleges, and in Lambeth Unison amongst local government
workers. We have regular meetings in Brixton open to anyone to decide
which campaigns to take up and how to win them. We will use our
magazine to let people know about all the different campaigns and
issues and how to get involved. We are now on the Internet to help
spread our message.
We need you to get involved with the Movement for Justice. Come to
our meetings, take our legal rights cards and hand them out to your
friends, start to build a movement that can fight for our rights and
change all of our lives. Top
Updated version (4/2/1998) of editorial from
the Movement for Justice magazine, November, 1997.