THE WESTERN GÀIDHEALTACHD AFTER THE STATUTES OF IONA 1609
Continuing the contribution by distinguished highland historian and broadcaster Domhnall Uilleam Stiubhart
It is possible that some terms or issues will require clarification… if so, readers are invited to contact the Editor and some attempt will be made to reply in the next issue. For convenience, overseas readers might like to think of "The Western Gàidhealtachd" as comprising the Gaelic-speaking "West Highlands and Islands".
PART II of IV concluded:
Given Sir Ruairidh's status as occasional client of Gilleasbaig Gruamach earl of Argyll, and Domhnall Gorm Mór's second marriage to another sister of Ruairidh na Còigich, the struggle threatened to become a proxy war between the Campbells and the Mackenzies. In addition, there was an element of personal dislike in this struggle, Domhnall Gorm Mór having notoriously divorced Sir Ruairidh's wife in an extremely humiliating manner. It's no surprise, then, that the feud lasted as long as the two were alive, until the death of the MacDonald chief in 1617.
PART III of IV
On coming to power, his heir and nephew, Domhnall Gorm Òg, used his rival's tactics: he himself journeyed to London, and also received a knighthood from the king. We can be reasonably confident that in this exploit he was aided by Ruairidh na Còigich. The upshot was that the MacDonald lands were surrendered to the king and regranted to the clan, although Trotternish was retained by the MacLeods for a while until he had paid himself certain debts owed by his rivals. Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg, the new MacDonald of Sleat, himself made a marriage with the Mackenzies, to Seònaid, the sister of the young Mackenzie chief Cailean Ruadh. The Mackenzies also kept the superiority of Trotternish, and the rights to develop the estate. We should note that the heir to the MacLeods of Dunvegan, Iain Mór, son of Sir Ruairidh, was also married to a sister of Cailean Ruadh Mackenzie, the ill-famed Sybella or Iseabail. The chief of one of the major Skye estates, and the heir to the other, were therefore married to two Mackenzie sisters. Thanks to the efforts of Ruairidh na Còigich in building up and sustaining a client network, Mackenzie interest was steadily extending over the western Gàidhealtachd.
Because of Mackenzie intervention, then, the principal feud in the region, the MacDonald-MacLeod struggle in Skye, had finally been pacified, while the MacLeans of Duart were, at least for the time being, saved from bankruptcy. Crucially, these achievements were accomplished at a time when the Campbells of Argyll were in disarray. Despite receiving a steady income of fines from resetters of the outlawed MacGregors, the earl was heavily in debt, the more so because any individual debts incurred by a clan member could be claimed from the chief, a policy disastrous for a kindred so closely involved in Lowland trade. In addition, the clan was still suffering from the repercussions of the calamitous internecine struggles of the 1590s. The seventh earl of Argyll, Gilleasbaig Gruamach, spent much of his time on his second wife's estates in England to escape his creditors. Although his involvement in the suppression of Clann Iain Mhòir in 1615 was not entirely wholehearted, he nevertheless won official thanks. James VI presented the earl with the estate of Kintyre to help to pay his debts. In the immediate aftermath of an island revolt, it was sensible to boost the affairs of the most loyal supporter of government interests in the area.
Despite these marks of official favour, and others shown during the king's visit of 1617, it's clear that the earl snapped. Some time around the end of that year or the beginning of the next, Gilleasbaig travelled to the Low Countries, supposedly to take the waters. There, he began to frequent mass, and indeed made friends with two of his erstwhile most bitter enemies, Sir James MacDonald and Alasdair MacDonald of Keppoch. In February 1619 the privy council condemned the earl of Argyll for treason.
Gilleasbaig Gruamach's sudden change of heart might only be satisfactorily accounted for by that most unfashionable of historical explanations, namely a personal crisis of faith. Certainly, his second wife, Lady Anna Cornwallis, came from a well-known English recusant family. Incidentally, the letters I've seen indexed about the affair in the State Papers, Flanders and Spain in the PRO suggest that it was she who brokered the eventual reconciliation with the authorities.
Meanwhile, the Campbells of Argyll were thrown into confusion - Gilleasbaig had named no deputy to run the estate in his place, and, in the resulting confusion, the privy council had apparently to step in and sort matters out. It was agreed that the estate was to be administered in four pieces, with Cailean of Lundy, Gilleasbaig's brother, most reluctantly taking overall charge. Although the earl was later pardoned for his misdeeds, he was not allowed to return to the Gàidhealtachd, and had to spend most of the rest of his life at the court in London.
Cailean Campbell, the governor of the estate, does not appear to have been a particularly strong character. The earl's defection rather paralysed the Campbells, and gave the Mackenzies an opportunity to buttress their own position. We have seen how Ruairidh na Còigich arranged a favourable settlement in Skye in 1618, the year the earl left for the continent. We have seen how he gained control over the MacLean of Duart estates in spring 1619, just after the earl was condemned. From the perspective of the Lowland authorities, the earl's defection meant that a Campbell no longer occupied a seat at the privy council. This of course meant that, for a time at least, the authorities' attention was no longer focussed upon the western Gàidhealtachd. The chiefs were all too content for this situation to continue - hence Sir Ruairidh Mór's protestation of "this dilectable tyme of peax" to James VI in 1622. The following year the subcommittee of the privy council which had been in charge of dealing with island affairs since 1608 was disbanded. In 1624 Cailean Ruadh Mackenzie was created the earl of Seaforth.
The temporary absence of an active Campbell power also made matters considerably easier for the new Franciscan mission to gain footholds in the western Gàidhealtachd. This mission was the brainchild of Raghnall Mac Domhnaill, Raghnall Àrannach, who had recently, in 1620, been created earl of Antrim in recognition of his loyalty to the authorities and the zeal he showed in plantation of his estates. Towards the end of the Irish Nine Years War, MacDonell had just managed to change sides in time. He had been rewarded well by the English authorities as a result. He remained a staunch Catholic, however, and hankered after power among the stock from whom his family came, the Clan Donald. The Franciscan mission was launched after consultation with Scipio Borghese in Rome; there are doubtless several letters to illuminate their negotiations in the Borghese archives. After an inauspicious beginning in 1619, when the two friars were promptly arrested, the mission was relaunched in 1623, this time using five Irish Franciscan volunteers from the college of Louvain in Flanders. MacDonell's Antrim estates were used as a base, and the missionaries' first contact was with Colla Ciotach MacDonald on Colonsay. Through him they were meant to get through to the principal Catholic chief of the region, none other than Sir Ruairidh Mór MacLeod of Dunvegan. It's worth stressing that the reports we have preserved in the papal archives, and edited by Cathaldus Giblin, were in the main the productions of just one of the five missionaries, namely Cornelius Ward or Conchobhair Mac an Bhaird whose labours took him to the Clan Ranald territories and to Barra. We should always bear in mind that there were four other missionaries also involved in the mission, most notably Pól Ó Néill, who, while based with Sir Ruairidh Mór in Dunvegan, did the first stages of the work "in remotiores Hebrides" during 1624:
Annum supra octo menses apud dominum de Heris, alias Macleoid de Heris, dynastam valde principalem, at in adiacentibus provinciis moram faciens circuibat in dies verbo et exemplo denuntians evangelium Christi, adeo ut incolarum omnium testimonio, magna per eum fidei incrementa illis partibus accesserint.
Because of his exertions and the difficulties of his work, Ó Néill's health broke down and he had to retire from the field. The work of the missionaries must have been exhausting and extremely dangerous, the more so during the time of widespread famine in the mid-1620s. We might compare this to the comparatively less difficult labours the Franciscans faced in Ireland. In 1623 there were some two hundred Franciscans in Ireland, staying in 32 friaries, in a country with a working parish and diocesan system in which clergy ministered to the people at every level from priest to archbishop. So 200 Franciscans in Ireland ministering to a population of nearly a million Gaels. In Scotland, with perhaps 300,000 Gaels, there were only five. Little wonder, then, that the Franciscan missionaries in Scotland depended upon support from sympathetic chiefs and gentry, that far from Counter-Reformation orthodoxy, what teachings they were able to impart had to be seasoned with support from existing superstitious practices.
Rather worringly, over the past few years there has been a sentimental and lazy habit grown among monoglot historians of suggesting that the Gàidhealtachd of Ireland and the Gàidhealtachd of Scotland can somehow be viewed as one culture region stretching from Caithness to Cape Clear. This is emphatically not the case. Dr Wilson McLeod's recent doctoral thesis should, when published, lay that particular canard to rest. What should be stressed here is that, in the eyes of the Irish Gaelic intelligentsia, the Scottish Gàidhealtachd remained a peripheral and largely barbaric region on the very edge of the cultural horizon. With the growth of an Irish proto-nationalism from the late sixteenth century, increasingly based upon the watchwords of "faith and fatherland", that gap widened still further. It's notable that the Irish Franciscan missionaries in Scotland view their fellow Gaels as at best primitive cousins:
Licet autem Hebredani sint barbari non tamen omnino immemores traditionum paternarum, quin semper monstrent magnum affectum erga missem et fidem (ut aiunt) veterem et Romanam...
Potential Irish volunteers were extremely difficult to recruit, as many of them preferred to labour in their own patria, rather than waste their energies among the barbarians. The Irish people, it was firmly believed, had always preserved their learning and their Roman faith, that also of the old Irish church. The Scottish Gaels, on the other hand, had quite lost all but the memory of the old religion. In the eyes of many of the Irish clergy, they had lost their civilization as well. If Irish Franciscans laboured in the Scottish Gàidhealtachd, it was for the glory of Ireland that they did so.
This takes us to the political reasons behind the mission. Of course, for the usual obvious reasons the missionaries tend to only touch upon the politics in their official letters to the Vatican, but we can glimpse other intentions in a letter written by an English spy on the 18 May 1624:
One Connor M'Iward, a Franciscan friar, is a native of county Tirconnell, from whence he has gone into Gallwaye. He lay one night in a friends house of his (Sir Charles Coote's) to whom he revealed as a great secret, that he and five preasts and friars were to go into Scotland to endeavour to gain some of the nobility or chief gentlemen of that kingdom to their religion and party, and to promise to any such as should come to them all countenance favour and support from the King of Spain and the Pope. He (the informer) further said that there were directions come into Ireland from beyond the seas to cause them (the six priests) to take upon this attempt. They are to take shipping somewhere near Knockfergus, where they may get passage the shortest cut over seas.
Whatever the long-term political aims of the Franciscan mission might have been, no sooner had they begun their work than they were faced with a small-scale crisis which required them to stop revolt rather than encourage it.
The principal aim of the island chiefs after the exile of the earl of Argyll in 1617 was to keep the peace in the region, to demonstrate to the king, and to the Lowland authorities, that they were able to govern the area themselves without the firm hand of a regional policeman. The authorities were apparently content to allow this state of affairs to continue, especially at a time when the main area of discontent in the Gàidhealtachd was towards the eastern frontier with the Lowlands, a region suffering the attentions of MacGregor cattle reivers and unscrupulous bounty hunters in their wake. Nonetheless, the island chiefs were well aware that much mistrust and fear remained. Just as the 1615 rising by Clann Iain Mhóir in Islay had led to a government clampdown, so any fresh disruption of this peace, no matter how minor, was more than likely to lead to a resumption of the confrontational tactics of the previous decades.
The estate of Ardnamurchan had been a potential hotspot for some years. It was now in the hands of Domhnall Dubh, Donald Campbell of Barbreck, with its original MacDonald owners, Clann Iain, now scattered as robbers in the Rough Bounds. In addition, the captain of Clan Ranald, Iain Mùideartach, also had a claim to the title, the earl of Argyll having given him a charter to the estate in 1617, doubtless with an eye to stir up further trouble. It was probably the need to stifle unrest in the area which led the Franciscan Pádraig Ó Éigeartaigh to carry out a rather astonishing exploit. It's clear to see that the Franciscan mission in the southern Gàidhealtachd was directed, doubtless under the direction of the earl of Antrim, at the old patrimony of Clan Donald. What is rather extraordinary about it is that the missionaries were not only aiming at the tenantry, but at the Campbell gentry there as well. Their mission might have been made easier by the fact that the earl of Argyll himself had converted to Catholicism some years beforehand, but it can't be denied that Ó hÉigeartaigh carried out a very daring coup in converting Sir John Campbell of Cawdor himself, the owner of Islay. Shortly after the conversion of Sir John Campbell, the friar went to the household of Archibald Campbell of Barbreck - apparently Barbreck-Craignish - and converted him, his two sons, and the wife of his brother, who was already a Catholic. On the same journey he converted "generossisimum dominum Alexandrum Mac Eain, haeredem nobilissimae familiae de Clanneain, qui in fide satis adhuc constanter perseverat".
Ó hÉigeartaigh had thus visited in close succession two powerful Campbell families, and the exiled MacDonalds of Ardnamurchan. The mission - and judging by the extreme danger Ó hÉigeartaigh was prepared to put himelf into, we should perhaps describe it as an emergency mission - was surely designed to prevent any fresh outbreak of trouble between the two sides, lest the government should once more take an active role in the region as they had done after the rising of Clann Iain Mhóir some ten years previously. However, the mission failed. We might surmise from Ó hÉigeartaigh's words that he was rather uncertain of how firm Alasdair MacDonald's conversion really was. In the spring of 1625 a band of Ardnamurchan MacDonalds put to sea in a merchantman they had captured, and began a brief piratical career. The authorities, faced with what they saw as a fresh rebellion in the islands at a time when war with Spain was just about to break out, responded with a heavy hand. The suppression of Clann Iain was put in the hands of the son of the earl of Argyll, Gilleasbaig Fiar-shùileach, Archibald Campbell, lord Lorne, who had just attained his majority. The other island chiefs were forced to give him aid. Although the MacDonalds were eventually captured by Sir Ruairidh Mór, the privy council suspected the island chiefs of giving the rebels covert support at the beginning of their spree. Incidentally, it must be the worry about what was going to happen to his estate that spurred Iain Mùideartach, captain of Clan Ranald, to write to the pope offering his support for a holy war against the Lowland authorities. Also, exigencies of time have meant that I've been unable to deal with the MacDonalds of Clan Ranald during this period.
Anyway, the zealousness of lord Lorne in doing the will of the Lowland authorities not only won the approval of the privy council. They sent a letter to the new king, Charles I, praising Lorne as follows:
whereas he is a young nobleman, and this is the first of his imploymentis, wherin he hes worthilie and duetifullie dischargit himself, we could not forebeare to gif notice of the same to your Majestie, to the intent that, if the like occasioun of service fall out in the Ilis or Heylandis of this kingdome, your Majestie may be asured of one who is both able and willing to serve your Majestie.
Charles, not noted for his interest of enthusiasm for Highland affairs, was more than willing to give responsibility for them up to the young Archibald Campbell, the more so, it might be noted, at a time when rumours were spreading that Sir Somhairle MacDhòmhnaill was in Dunkirk preparing a naval expedition to the islands with the help of Spain. Lord Lorne journeyed to London, where he was warmly received by the king. Meanwhile, he took over his father's Argyll estates, exerting his authority by his rather shameful treatment of the family of his uncle who had been supervising the estates during his minority.
So what may well have been the worst nightmare of the island chiefs had suddenly come to pass. A new chief of the Campbells of Argyll had come to power, energetic, able, aggressive, enjoying the full approval of both king and Lowland authorities, and also a strong protestant to boot. The rising of Clann Iain came at exactly the wrong time - a rebellion by people of the western Gàidhealtachd was of course always bound to alarm the authorities, much more so at a time when the old king had just died, and when a major war with Spain had just broken out. What made matters even worse was the subsequent deaths - all in one year, 1626 - of the two most able leaders of the island chiefs, Ruairidh na Còigich and Sir Ruairidh Mór MacLeod. Ruairidh na Còigich, incidentally, appears to have spent the last few years of his life quarrelling with his erstwhile ward, Cailean Ruadh, over the ownership of the isle of Lewis. In addition, at the court in London, the exiled Sir Seumas MacDhòmhnaill died. Sir Seumas appears to have been accepted by most of Clan Donald as the successor to the Lords of the Isles, the more so because of his romantic character and his enforced exile from the Gàidhealtachd. The only figure of magnate status who could resist the growing power of lord Lorne was thus the chief of the Mackenzies, Cailean Ruadh, who had, as we have seen, been ennobled as the earl of Seaforth in 1624. His brash and somewhat naive personality, however, was not entirely suited to the Machiavellian world of court politics. Cailean Ruadh recruited a company of Dutch fishermen from Middelbrug in South Holland to develop and indeed plant the isle of Lewis - one imagines that potential volunteers from the Lowlands would be rather thin on the ground after the fate of the Fife Adventurers. This enterprise, of course, only increased the suspicion of the authorities - and indeed the king himself, given his pet project of the Association for the Fisheries. This suspicion was, of course, spurred on by the Scottish burghs. Helped by powerful magnate allies such as his father-in-law the earl of Morton, lord Lorne was easily able to outmanoeuvre the Mackenzie chief.
To be concluded