THE WESTERN GÀIDHEALTACHD AFTER THE STATUTES OF IONA 1609
Concluding the contribution by distinguished highland historian and broadcaster Domhnall Uilleam Stiubhart
PART III of IV concluded:
The only figure of magnate status who could resist the growing power of lord Lorne was thus the chief of the Mackenzies, Cailean Ruadh, who had, as we have seen, been ennobled as the earl of Seaforth in 1624. His brash and somewhat naive personality, however, was not entirely suited to the Machiavellian world of court politics. Cailean Ruadh recruited a company of Dutch fishermen from Middelbrug in South Holland to develop and indeed plant the isle of Lewis - one imagines that potential volunteers from the Lowlands would be rather thin on the ground after the fate of the Fife Adventurers. This enterprise, of course, only increased the suspicion of the authorities - and indeed the king himself, given his pet project of the Association for the Fisheries. This suspicion was, of course, spurred on by the Scottish burghs. Helped by powerful magnate allies such as his father-in-law the earl of Morton, lord Lorne was easily able to outmanoeuvre the Mackenzie chief.
PART IV of IV
As I said earlier on, I only want to touch briefly on the events of the following decade, the years leading up to the outbreak of civil war. The dominant theme of this decade, of course, is the growth, or resurrection, of Campbell power under the active and aggressive leadership of Gilleasbaig Fiar-shùileach, Archibald Campbell, lord Lorne. In June 1628 he was given a seat in the privy council, and shortly afterwards, as a result of Charles' revocation scheme, he was awarded the position of justiciar of the isles, a judicial power he would use to the full during the coming years. At the very end of the 1620s lord Lorne was able to take advantage of a new phase of anti-Catholic persecution. In cooperation with bishop John Leslie of the Isles he was able in effect to put an end to what we might describe as the second stage of the Franciscan mission. Incidentally, this phase also sees the translation and printing of the second Gaelic book printed in Scotland, a rather rushed version Calvin's catechism, probably financed by lord Lorne and done by his own family bard, published in 1630.
As a result of violent persecution during the following decade the Franciscan missionaries were confined to remoter areas of the western Gàidhealtachd such as Lochaber and Sleat. Bishop Leslie was given permission by the council to hold ecclesiastical courts in his diocese, in order to reform the dubious morals of the islanders, and shortly afterwards he and lord Lorne initiated a survey in order to raise church teinds, a fresh and most unwelcome financial burden for the chiefs, given that it would be very difficult for them to raise fresh funds because their tacks would have already been let out.
Lord Lorne's personal political standing rose steadily. In 1632 the privy council passed the rather extraordinary motion that "no commissioun sall be grantit to or in favours of the Ylanders till the Lord of Lorne, his Majesteis Justiciar within the Isles, be first heard and his opinion craved thereanent". The following year lord Lorne had the post of master of the king's household during Charles' royal visit to Scotland.
In 1633 the only potential rival of lord Lorne, Cailean Ruadh Mackenzie, died. His heir, his brother Deòrsa, George, was not at all as able as his predecessors, described in a near-contemporary family history as "a good man but verie unfortunat". From his accession can be dated the slow decline of Clan Mackenzie, overextended, split between ambitious clan gentry, and supervised by a series of incapable chiefs. But the seeds of the clan's downfall perhaps lie in its success in extending its power in the first place, above all from the expenses incurred in taking over the isle of Lewis and keeping its population quiescent. I wonder also if some other problems might lie in Ruairidh na Còigich's strategies of creating a network of client clans through marriage alliances. Lord Lorne suffered the same crippling debts as the Mackenzies, but he was in a position through the 1630s of being able ruthlessly to exploit his neighbours in a way that Cailean Ruadh, the chief of the Mackenzies, was quite unable to do.
Incidentally, given the Mackenzies' interest in developing the fisheries around the west coast, it's rather interesting to note how the year immediately after Cailean Ruadh's death, lord Lorne and the new bishop of the Isles, Niall Campbell, made enquiries about the chiefs lifting dues from Lowland fishermen.
The chiefs' finances, of course, were steadily draining away, thanks to their yearly visit to Edinburgh, and the expense of having to keep lodgings, merchants, lawyers, and of course the necessary conspicuous consumption incurred by a visit to the capital. Not only that, but they had to attend lord Lorne's justiciary courts. In July 1633, during Charles' visit to Edinburgh, the chiefs made a formal complaint about their enforced yearly attendance, "it being a moithe and canker which eatis up our wholl estates and in tyme will overthrow us".
To turn to the MacLeans of Duart again, the clan had been reduced to civil strife once more, with the second son of the chief, Lachlann na Morbhairne, as de facto chief and client of lord Lorne. In 1633, due to the still parlous state of clan finances, Lachlann MacLean was forced to recognise lord Lorne as superior of the lands of Àros and Bròlas on Mull. During these years lord Lorne, under great financial strain himself, and against a background of general economic hardship and famine, bought the rights to Kintyre from his half-brother, as well as the superiority of the MacDonald lands of Moidart and Àrasaig - he had already acquired the superiority of Canna, possibly because of its fishing possibilities, in 1628; the superiority of the MacLeod lands of Glenelg, which already had a long-standing Campbell claim on them; and the wardship of Iain Balbh, chief of the Mackinnons of Strath. Campbell power thus extended right up to the Isle of Skye.
Campbell expansionism during the 1630s was well calculated to alienate still further the chiefs, not only from the Campbells of Argyll themselves, but also from the protestant church. They were encouraged in this by the efforts of Randal MacDonell, earl of Antrim, in keeping up the Franciscan mission, now based at Bunmargy. MacDonell had made into a family chapel, and indeed his illegitimate son Francis was now himself a Franciscan, as a replacement for Pól Mac Néill. Francis, however, was not allowed to travel into Scotland "propter rationes politicas status", or again, "ne incurrat indignationem regis Angliae aut suspicionem". There was evidently quite enough official suspicion of Antrim already - when his agent had bought Kintyre in 1635, lord Lorne had been able to take the land from him by alledging to the privy council that MacDonell would not be long in introducing Catholic priests. Kintyre, which could be seen from Antrim's castle at Dun-Libhse, remained in Campbell hands.
Through the 1630s we see the missionaries doing their best to persuade the authorities at Rome to create a Catholic bishop of the Isles, a bishop who could ordain Scottish Gaels who would know the people and the culture. They could thus oppose the growth of protestantism through the islands under bishop Neill Campbell. This was very much a race against time too, as a new generation of protestant Gaelic-speaking clerics was being educated in the Lowlands. In addition, the effects of the various statutes requiring heirs to be educated in English in the Lowlands was being felt. Sir Ruairidh Mór MacLeod's successor, his son Iain Mór, had been brought up a protestant and had attended Glasgow University. He has left a faint but rather unpleasant memory in oral tradition as having enforced conversions upon his tenantry. It is notable that the classical Gaelic endorsements stop short immediately Iain Mór succeeded to the chiefship, and that the successor to the clan bards, Maol Domhnaigh Ó Muirgheasáin, went into exile in Ireland shortly afterwards. Following the death of Sir Ruairidh Mór, the mantle of representative of the island chief was taken up by his erstwhile protegé Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg, the chief of the MacDonalds of Sleat. In 1628 he undertook another journey to see the king, evidently with the intention of questioning the growing Campbell hegemony, much to the anger of lord Lorne, who wrote to his father-in-law the earl of Morton:
I cannot bot advertise your Lo. with Sir Donald Gorrom's intention in going thither [the court], for I shall be abll to proove that his men of lau and agents said he could not suffer to be under me any way, and it seems so, for I being in your Lo. house of Dalkeithe, did never hear of him till he was gon. Thairfor let me intrait your Lo. that he and such honest men to me as he is (quho speaks to me on way and does quyt contrarit quhich I shall mak good) may not find your Lo. friendship for any mans requeist...
Who speaks to me one way and does quite the contrary - this is a perfect example of Paul Hopkins' anti-heroic tradition, a deviousness increasingly employed by Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg over the next decade. Although Charles was evidently not willing to listen to MacDonald of Sleat at that juncture, the MacMhuirich bard's description of him as "a great courtier of King Charles" suggests that the chief must have made a number of other visits to the court, in other words trying to bypass lord Lorne's power base in the privy council and get the ear of the ultimate authority. This approach finally bore fruit when the new earl of Antrim, also Randal MacDonell, came to power in 1636. This was a magnate who had been brought up as a courtier since childhood, who had recently married the widow of the duke of Buckingham, and enjoyed close links with the marquess of Hamilton. Like Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg, the new earl of Antrim was well-versed in the anti-heroic tradition, although perhaps not so expert. Thomas Wentworth left the following description of him after a rather fraught interview:
[H]is Lordship was in differing Tempers as ever I saw; sometimes the Grand-Child of the great Tyrone, using me so roughly indeed...; sometimes again he descended and became more merciful and generous, indeed, even to make himself like one of ourselves, such was his Gentleness and Civility.
But this is another story, bringing us up to the bishops' wars which broke out at the end of 1638.
A narrative history of the western Gàidhealtachd during this period, then, might focus on the following. First of all, the process from 1608-1610 by which the chiefs were nominally brought into submission - as I've suggested, the grim fate of the rebellious Gaels in Ulster represented an extremely bad omen to the island chiefs. From 1610 to 1614 there is something of a learning curve, as different chiefs try different tactics to ally themselves with sources of power: the Mackenzies strengthen their ties with the authorities in Edinburgh, while Sir Ruairidh Mór MacLeod has some success with the novel strategy of circumventing Edinburgh and going straight to the monarch himself. The risings of Clann Iain Mhóir of Islay in 1614 and 1615 lead to a further crackdown by the privy council, but the steady collapse of Campbell power, culminating in the defection of the earl of Argyll, Gilleasbaig Gruamach himself, in 1618 enables the Mackenzies to extend their influence over much of the west coast. The early 1620s also see the first attempts by the earl of Antrim take advantage of the troubles of the Campbells of Argyll, with the despatching of the Franciscan missionaries to the islands.
In 1625, however, members of Clann Iain, the MacDonalds of Ardnamurchan, take to the sea as pirates. The Edinburgh authorities, nervous because of the menacing war with Spain, and the death of the king in London, somewhat overreact. Lord Lorne, the young heir of the earl of Argyll, acquits himself well, and as result of the favour he gains from both the privy council and the new king, is able during the following decade steadily to accumulate legal, financial, and indeed ecclesiastical power over the inhabitants of the western seaboard. His task is doubtless made easier by the deaths of the two most able leaders of the island chiefs, Sir Ruairidh Mór MacLeod and Ruairidh na Còigich. During the 1630s, thanks to the aggressive policies of the successive bishops of the Isles, the Franciscan mission is badly disrupted and mainly confined to base at Bunmargy in Antrim, while the church is now in a position to hold ecclesiastical courts and raise teinds and bishops rents.
The decade sees a steady alienation of many islanders from the protestant church, and indeed from the growing Campbell ascendancy. The moves to commercial estate management during this time certainly increased alienation, judging from hints in the oral tradition, and I suspect that because of the songs and stories told of the outlawed MacGregors, many of whom had been reset over the entire Gàidhealtachd, they came to be seen very much as proto-romantic heroes to their fellow Gaels. Most importantly, I'd stress the growing rapprochement between the Catholic chiefs of Clan Donald, under the leadership of Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg of Sleat and Randall MacDonell of Antrim, and members of the court in London. Sir Domhnall Gorm Òg was of course following the example of his earlier mentor Sir Ruairidh Mór. The journey made by the chief of the MacLeods of Dunvegan in 1613 to visit James VI led, however indirectly, to the momentous decision - by Highland standards at any rate - by Charles I, acting on the advice of the marquess of Hamilton, to use Clan Donald against the covenanters at the beginning of 1638.